The political left has been experiencing something of a resurgence in recent times. Outside of electoral politics and parliament there has been a growth of interest and activity amongst activists, academics, and intellectuals that is creating more interest in radical and anti-Establishment politics. Some of this has filtered through to Parliament, but much of it has been on the streets, the campuses, and within the union movement. At the moment this resurgence is still inchoate rather than united and coherent. And there’s a tension between “class politics” and “identity politics”, which is ongoing.
Social movements and a leftwing think tank
This is the first real leftwing think tank in New Zealand, and it has the intention of carrying out research and disseminating issues to the wider public. The project has been a long time in the making, and arises partly out of Bradford’s recent PhD thesis – which you can read online:
A major left wing think tank in Aotearoa: an impossible dream or a call to action? What also distinguishes Bradford’s new project is a renewed focus on issues of economics and social class – which has been de-emphasized in social movements for some time in New Zealand.
Bradford’s ESRA is being launched on the back of one of the biggest conferences of the political left for decades – the Social Movements, Resistance and Social Change conference at Victoria University of Wellington, which opened yesterday. This is actually the third annual conference of this type, but the conference has doubled in size since last year, with 400 registered activists and academics, and more than 100 turned away.
The three-day conference is hosted by Victoria University of Wellington and sponsored by groups such as Council of Trade Unions and the Public Service Association. Researchers are giving talks on diverse subjects, from “Building an oral history of lesbian activism” to “Has protest decreased in Aotearoa since the 1970s?” – you can read the
conference programme and
abstracts.
Connected with this think tank and conference is a new academic journal,
Counterfutures, which is described as a publication of “Left thought and practice”. The reason for the journal is explained in its first editorial,
Beginnings.
Revival of radicalism in New Zealand
So is radicalism of the left increasing? Recently I gave a conference paper titled “Class politics vs identity politics in New Zealand”. In this I used a variety of data – public opinion surveys, elite surveys, as well as media content analysis – to illustrate arguments that rising interest and concern about issues of inequality has been accompanied by a recent resurgence of both class politics and identity politics. You can see the material I used, which shows a significant increase in the use of words such as Marxism, capitalism, racism, feminism, working class, and sexism– see:
Increase in radicalism in New Zealand political/media discourse.
Some of these issues of economics and class, on the one hand, and more socially liberal or “identity politics”, on the other, are further discussed in a blog post by Johnny Moore – see:
The reemergence of radical politics in Aotearoa New Zealand. He argues that ultimately this new radical left needs to take class and economics more seriously, yet also integrate concerns for questions of gender, ethnicity and sexuality into that movement.
Social issues and politics publishing
The book publishing industry is contributing to critical thinking and radicalism due to the work of Bridget Williams Books, which is putting out numerous
“BWB texts” on current issues and thinking. Recent highlights include Shamubeel and Selena Eaqub’s Generation Rent, Andrew Dean’s Ruth, Roger and Me, Margaret Wilson’s Struggle for Sovereignty, Max Rashbrooke’s Wealth and New Zealand, and Gavin Ellis’ Complacent Nation.
Other social movement influences
There are plenty of other pockets of interesting social movement activity at the moment. A number of important NGOs have been established in recent years. Of particular importance are Action Station, Generation Zero, Living Wage, and Just Speak – the latter recently celebrating its birthday – see Stuff’s
Youth justice group Just Speak celebrates five years.
And in the mainstream media there are an increasing number of voices challenging the status quo – sometimes in surprising ways. For example, some on the left will be pleasantly surprised at Polly Gillespie’s relatively new column in the Herald, in which the popular middle-of-the-road radio broadcaster often espouses radical politics – see for example her column from earlier in the year,
Go on, tax me. In this she declared: “something has happened inside my soul, and I'm starting to realise that, as part of society, if I want society to function, I may have to pay more. I may have to pay a LOT more.”
The Labour movement
The Labour Party, too, has been obviously influenced by rising radicalism lately. In policies such as the return to free tertiary education, as well as the bold discussion of introducing a universal basic income, we can see some sort of shift to the left.
McCarten apparently hopes to build a large leftwing activist machine in Auckland for Labour, incorporating the social movements into a campaign to change the government. This will be important for the party’s ability to win the fight for the votes of Auckland. But will it be good for the activist left? Incorporating social activists into Labour could be very negative for the wider struggle says Ben Rosamond in his blog post,
McCarten in Auckland is good for Labour, but what about for the left?
What about the unions? There has been a revived influence of unions in the Labour Party’s leadership selection – especially with Andrew Little winning in 2014 due to union support – but it’s not clear that Labour is, in turn, focused on the union movement in its policy plans. For example, Chris Trotter notes that in Grant Robertson’s recent speech to the second Future of Work conference, there was not a single reference to unions – see:
Red Shift: Labour Reorients Itself Toward Small Business.
But how important are unions anyhow? David Farrar points this week to the latest Statistics New Zealand information on union rates, and says that the percentage of employees belonging to unions has dropped from 27.6 per cent in 2012 to only about 20 per cent in 2016 – see:
Union membership drops.